Chapter 682

By mid-May, there was a widespread shortage of food in Budapest. The high price of food had emptied the last of the wealth in the pockets of the people.

In order to stabilize the order, the republican government had to implement a food rationing system.

At this time in Budapest, vegetables and fruits had become luxuries, and meat products had withdrawn from the table of ordinary people and become exclusive to the nobility.

The government could only provide the most basic 500 grams of black bread per person per day, plus 300 grams of potatoes and 200 grams of corn.

With such little supplies, the bureaucrats in the government were still making profits from it. Short weight was just a regular operation.

There were also black bread with leaves, sawdust, and other impurities, sprouted potatoes that had changed color, and colorful corn. If a person with a poor digestive system ate these things, they could die at any time.

There was nothing that could not be done. The moral integrity of the republican government officials could be called a model of the capitalist world.

The food shortage in Budapest was limited to the people at the bottom. For the ruling class, they had no shortage of food. Even though the enemy had come to the door, their banquets had not stopped.

They even began to plunder the wealth of the middle class and the petty bourgeoisie through the underground black market. The price of food had been inflated to the sky. A piece of black bread without additives cost the same weight of silver coins.

An ordinary residential house in Budapest could be bought for only 50 kilograms of bread at this time. Even a prosperous shop would only cost a few hundred kilograms of bread at most.

In every corner of the city, prostitutes could be found everywhere. All one needed was a piece of black bread or a potato to get their services.

In order to reduce food consumption, since June, the revolutionary government had gradually expelled the old, weak, sick and disabled people from the city. Lieutenant General Julius accepted the refugees with a smile and made proper arrangements.

Franz attached great importance to publicity. Reporters from major Austrian media were invited. They waved their cameras and took photos from all angles. These were important evidence to expose the crimes of the revolutionary party.

Now there was no need for the government to do anything. Looking at these yellow-faced and emaciated war refugees and listening to their complaints about the atrocities of the Hungarian republican government, the media with a "sense of justice" rushed to condemn the unscrupulous Hungarian revolutionary government.

The famous Hungarian composer Liszt was also among the reporters at this time. The more he knew, the more hurt he was.

Not only him, but many literati ran over, including some supporters of the revolutionary party. The scene in front of them made everyone directly give up on the revolutionary party.

The literati's pen could kill without spilling blood. With everyone's joint efforts, the Hungarian revolution was redefined.

Kossuth and the others, who were trapped in Budapest, did not know that their reputation had been ruined. Tens of thousands of people had submitted petitions to the Emperor, hoping that the Emperor would uphold justice for them.

Of course, Franz took advantage of the situation and accepted the petition of the people. He made it clear that all the rebels would be tried in public and invited the victims to serve as a jury. The jury would vote to decide the final sentence.

Anyone with a discerning eye would know that this was the Austrian government's attempt to exterminate the revolutionaries.

This group of victims now wished that they could swallow the revolutionary party alive. How could they show mercy to them?

The final result would definitely be a massacre. The trial would be conducted in the name of the people. No matter how many people were killed, the Austrian government could not be blamed.

Of course, this was only once. The future Austria was bound to be a legal country, and it was impossible to be so capricious.

Before the Revolution, Hungary and Austria were managed separately. The laws of the two places were different. Hungary's laws were out of place, and Austria's laws had not been implemented there. That was why Franz could take advantage of the loophole to give the people the power to decide the sentence.

…

Seeing that the flames of the revolution had been extinguished everywhere, and their only ally, the Kingdom of Sardinia, had been single-handedly beaten by Austria, the revolutionaries were also thinking of a way out.

The Austrian army suddenly stopped attacking Budapest, which surprised the revolutionaries. The first thing Kossuth thought of was a spy.

The House of Habsburg had never lacked supporters in Hungary. There were also royalists in Budapest. In addition, there were nobles and capitalists who wanted to speculate again.

Once these people took action, Budapest would change hands in an instant.

The revolutionary party's foundation was too shallow, and it was divided into different groups. Before 1847, the largest revolutionary group had no more than three digits.

After the outbreak of the Revolution, the revolutionary team expanded a hundred times. Most of these people wore the skin of the revolutionary party. In fact, the revolutionary party had no binding force on them at all.

The aftereffects of the rapid expansion of the ranks broke out. Without a strict revolutionary organization and a unified political program, most people became members of the revolutionary party on a whim or because they were too embarrassed to refuse the recommendation of acquaintances.

No one wanted to die, and the revolutionaries were no exception. The Austrian army was not in a hurry to attack, but the internal contradictions of the Hungarian republican government were intensifying.

After a series of failures, Kossuth's prestige as the head of state had fallen to a critical point. The opposition could not bear him anymore, and even his direct subordinates began to doubt his ability.

The Hungarian National Guard expanded too quickly and mixed in with all sorts of people. Kossuth did not restrain them, and finally, this motley crew ignited disputes.

On June 8, a company of the National Revolutionary Army rushed into Count István's house under Kossuth's orders. They branded Count István a counter-revolutionary and executed dozens of people, including the count, on the spot. After looting all the property, they brought all the young women back to the barracks for sexual pleasure.

Count István was not an ordinary noble. He was honored by the later generations of Hungarians as the greatest man in Hungary. How could such a person be killed so easily?

After all, since the establishment of the Republic of Hungary, there had been many internal contradictions. Kossuth had personally asked Count István to mediate, and now he had been executed as a counter-revolutionary?

At the Hungarian government meeting on June 9, the opposition, led by Semir, directly attacked.

"Mr. Kossuth, I would like to ask who authorized you to convict Count István? What right do you have to execute a great noble? How do you explain the atrocities that took place in the Count's residence? "

Kossuth's heart collapsed. In all honesty, when did he order the execution of Count István?

But it had already happened, and the National Guard had done it in his name. The company commander involved was now missing, and the truth of the matter could no longer be restored.

"This matter has nothing to do with me. I have never given such an order!" Kossuth denied.